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District übersetzung

district übersetzung

Übersetzungen für District im Deutsch» Englisch-Wörterbuch von PONS Online: the Lake District, the District of Columbia. Lernen Sie die Übersetzung für 'district' in LEOs Englisch ⇔ Deutsch Wörterbuch. Mit Flexionstabellen der verschiedenen Fälle und Zeiten ✓ Aussprache und. Übersetzung für 'district' im kostenlosen Englisch-Deutsch Wörterbuch und viele weitere Deutsch-Übersetzungen.

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District übersetzung - will not

English Already, too many decisions are being taken in the EU and implemented at district and county level. Für diese Funktion ist es erforderlich, sich anzumelden oder sich kostenlos zu registrieren. Gebiet mit bestimmten Baubeschränkungen. English We are now supporting over clinics, three district - and three provincial-level hospitals. English She was elected to the district court of Trin in , and presided from to {/ITEM}

Englisch-Deutsch-Übersetzungen für district im Online-Wörterbuch virtualfm.eu ( Deutschwörterbuch). district Übersetzung, Englisch - Deutsch Wörterbuch, Siehe auch 'district attorney' ,district court',district nurse',Lake District'. Deutsche Übersetzung von "Lake District" | Der offizielle Collins Englisch- Deutsch Wörterbuch online. Über Deutsche Übersetzungen von Englische.{/PREVIEW}

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{ITEM-100%-1-1}In unserem Bezirk finanzieren wir das so: Die gesammelten Vokabeln werden unter "Vokabelliste" angezeigt. Französisch kanadisches Französisch district. Fühlen Sie sich in einem der klimatisierten Zimmer wie zu Hause. Es ist ein Fehler aufgetreten. Nuwakot liegt sehr nahe am Epizentrum des Erdbebens. Auch im Distrikt gibt es viele Möglichkeiten der Mitarbeit. Das hier ist einfach nur ein District Commander, der selbst die Initiative ergreift. Um eine neue Diskussion zu starten, müssen Sie angemeldet sein. Gegend feminine Femininum f district area. Stadt Viertel neuter Neutrum n district part of town. Aus dem Umfeld der Suche sector , department , area , domain , clime , quarter , ward , zone , region , space , county. Suche weitere Wörter im Dänisch-Deutsch Wörterbuch. Die korrekte sprachliche Einordnung und Bewertung der Beispielsätze ist für einen Sprachanfänger oder Schüler der Grund- und Mittelstufen nicht immer einfach. Wir arbeiten daran, die Qualität der Beispielsätze im Hinblick auf die Relevanz und die Übersetzungen immer weiter zu verbessern.{/ITEM}

{ITEM-100%-1-2}Best casino bonus offers australia functional constituency for the information technology sector was particular criticised for gerrymandering and voteplanting. See examples translated by District examples with alignment. This could be done easily using their Block Centers based on the Global Positioning System rather than street addresses. When a single political party controls both legislative houses of a state during redistricting, both Democrats and Republicans have displayed a marked propensity for couching the motor city casino legal department in secrecy; in Mayfor example, the Republican National Committee held a redistricting training session in Ohio where the theme was "Keep it Secret, Keep it Safe". Congress has never passed a national redistricting bill since the approval of the constitution, while it has incrementally created 34 new districts, out of the originally created in This landscape oversight causes it to produce districts different from those a human would produce. Habe dazu auch fol…. Analysts", 3 August In Antrimwhich has the fc bayern münchen gegen arsenal Protestant majoritydeutschland schweden prognose 40,twenty-six Unionists and three Catholics are returned. Get help from other users in our forums.{/ITEM}

{ITEM-100%-1-1}Französisch kanadisches Französisch champions league gestern abend. Diese Sätze sind von externen Quellen und können mitunter Fehler enthalten. It's easy and only takes a few seconds: Forumsdiskussionen, die den Suchbegriff enthalten district council - Amtsgericht Letzter Wer wird millionär kostenlos downloaden fürs handy Frischen Sie Ihre Vokabelkenntnisse mit unserem kostenlosen Trainer auf. In welchem Forum wollen Sie eine neue Anfrage starten? Cities and Towns The population development of the cities and towns in East District. Living Abroad Magazin Praktikum. Diese Woche hat sie in der…. Darüber hinaus haben wir begonnen, diese Technologie auf weitere Sprachen anzuwenden, um entsprechende Datenbanken mit Beispielsätzen aufzubauen. Es spricht für sich, dass die Wahlergebnisse in einigen Wahlbezirken best casino bonus offers australia veröffentlicht wurden. Wenn Sie die Vokabeln in den Vokabeltrainer übernehmen möchten, klicken Sie in der Vokabelliste einfach auf "Vokabeln übertragen". Ist diese Formulierung in Ordnung? English In that case, will the name of the individual farm be stated, or just the name of the district? Otherwise westspiel casino duisburg permanenzen message will be regarded as spam.{/ITEM}

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The poor voters tended to be huddled together in a few tribes whilst the rich interest was spread out across many.

The effect was a structure which explicitly benefited the Optimates traditionalist faction over the more progressive Populares alignment, since the former tended to draw more of its support from the Roman aristocracy and equestrian classes, whilst candidates for the latter drew their strength from the lower plebeian orders.

Some countries, such as Australia, Canada , and the UK, authorize non-partisan organizations to set constituency boundaries in an attempt to prevent gerrymandering.

Gerrymandering is most common in countries where elected politicians are responsible for defining constituency boundaries. They have an obvious and immediate interest in the outcome of the process.

Where an electoral system has not changed over time, it is possible that the interplay between a static voting structure and changing demographics will introduce disproportionality into the system.

Most obviously, this can manifest itself by a simple transfer of the population; for instance in Japan the constituencies for the National Diet have failed to reflect the growth in urban areas in recent decades; in a circumstance such as this the boundaries will need to be re-homogenised to effect equal voting power across electors.

A more complicated example is where a system is specifically designed even on a good faith basis to ensure that it has modifications to the principle of one person, one equal vote: If the circumstances which led to such rules being adopted have changed, it can inadvertently prejudice the outcome.

A real world illustration of this is the system for electing the United States Senate. The American Senate grants a disproportionate benefit in favor of rural voters because each state elects two senators regardless of population.

Note that the rural bias in this example is inadvertent, having arisen by the forces of history and not design, since the relevant constitutional provision was adopted prior to the industrial revolution in that country, which altered the demographics to create the bias.

For example, in Northern Ireland local government elections prior to the s, the voting system was designed to allow those who paid higher amounts of rates to have more than one vote, with additional votes per amount paid up to a cap.

This system was designed with a bias in mind: In this sense, though politically contentious, the system was introduced on a good faith basis - in such sense not being a true gerrymander.

However, by the s changing demographics through movement of sectarian minorities into previously uniform districts, coupled with rising minority awareness in Northern Ireland, had revealed a more latent bias: The result was that Catholics had reduced influence on local government elections, even in those districts where they might be expected to exert control.

As such, they were de facto discriminated against, though this was not the primary intention ab initio. Both the American and Northern Irish examples show that, as a system becomes biased as a passive process, such changes have the capacity to alter the attitude of operatives within it from good to bad faith actors.

In America, factions approve the outsized voting strength of rural voters, because they tend to be more conservative which suits the inclination of some Republicans.

In Northern Ireland, the system which kept Protestants in a position of advantage was defended on that basis, though it was known to be for discriminatory purposes only.

These can be accomplished through a number of ways: These tactics are typically combined in some form, creating a few "forfeit" seats for packed voters of one type in order to secure more seats and greater representation for voters of another type.

This results in candidates of one party the one responsible for the gerrymandering winning by small majorities in most of the districts, and another party winning by a large majority in only a few of the districts.

Gerrymandering is effective because of the wasted vote effect. Wasted votes are votes that did not contribute to electing a candidate, either because they were in excess of the bare minimum needed for victory or because the candidate lost.

By moving geographic boundaries, the incumbent party packs opposition voters into a few districts they will already win, wasting the extra votes.

Other districts are more tightly constructed with the opposition party allowed a bare minority count, thereby wasting all the minority votes for the losing candidate.

These districts constitute the majority of districts and are drawn to produce a result favoring the incumbent party. A quantitative measure of the effect of gerrymandering is the efficiency gap , computed from the difference in the wasted votes for two different political parties summed over all the districts.

When the parties win district elections in rough proportion to their electoral popularity, the efficiency gap is near zero. District Court in ruled against the drawing of Wisconsin legislative districts.

In the election for the state legislature, that gap in wasted votes meant that one party had While the wasted vote effect is strongest when a party wins by narrow margins across multiple districts, gerrymandering narrow margins can be risky when voters are less predictable.

To minimize the risk of demographic or political shifts swinging a district to the opposition, politicians can create more packed districts, leading to more comfortable margins in unpacked ones.

Some political science research suggests that, contrary to common belief, gerrymandering does not decrease electoral competition, and can even increase it.

This may lead to increased competition. Instead of gerrymandering, some researchers find that other factors, such as partisan polarization and the incumbency advantage, have driven the recent decreases in electoral competition.

These findings are, however, a matter of some dispute. While gerrymandering may not decrease electoral competition in all cases, there are certainly instances where gerrymandering does reduce such competition.

One state in which gerrymandering has arguably had an adverse effect on electoral competition is California.

In , a bipartisan redistricting effort redrew congressional district lines in ways that all but guaranteed incumbent victories; as a result, California saw only one congressional seat change hands between and In response to this obvious gerrymandering, a referendum in California gave the power to redraw congressional district lines to the California Citizens Redistricting Commission , which had been created to draw California State Senate and Assembly districts by another referendum in In stark contrast to the redistricting efforts that followed the census, the redistricting commission has created a number of the most competitive congressional districts in the country.

The effect of gerrymandering for incumbents is particularly advantageous, as incumbents are far more likely to be reelected under conditions of gerrymandering.

For example, in , according to political scientists Norman Ornstein and Thomas Mann , only four challengers were able to defeat incumbent members of the U.

Congress, the lowest number in modern American history. Mann, a Senior Fellow of Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution , has also noted that "Redistricting is a deeply political process, with incumbents actively seeking to minimize the risk to themselves via bipartisan gerrymanders or to gain additional seats for their party via partisan gerrymanders ".

This can be highly problematic from a governance perspective, because forming districts to ensure high levels of partisanship often leads to higher levels of partisanship in legislative bodies.

This demonstrates that gerrymandering can have a deleterious effect on the principle of democratic accountability. Gerrymandering can affect campaign costs for district elections.

If districts become increasingly stretched out, candidates must pay increased costs for transportation and trying to develop and present campaign advertising across a district.

Gerrymandering also has significant effects on the representation received by voters in gerrymandered districts. Because gerrymandering can be designed to increase the number of wasted votes among the electorate, the relative representation of particular groups can be drastically altered from their actual share of the voting population.

This effect can significantly prevent a gerrymandered system from achieving proportional and descriptive representation , as the winners of elections are increasingly determined by who is drawing the districts rather than the preferences of the voters.

Gerrymandering may be advocated to improve representation within the legislature among otherwise underrepresented minority groups by packing them into a single district.

Candidates outside that district no longer need to represent them to win elections. As an example, much of the redistricting conducted in the United States in the early s involved the intentional creation of additional "majority-minority" districts where racial minorities such as African Americans were packed into the majority.

This "maximization policy" drew support by both the Republican Party who had limited support among African Americans and could concentrate their power elsewhere and by minority representatives elected as Democrats from these constituencies, who then had safe seats.

In the seven states where Republicans had complete control over the redistricting process, Republican House candidates received The redistricting resulted in Republican victories in 73 out of the affected seats; in those 7 states, Republicans received In Michigan , redistricting was constructed by a Republican Legislature in Gerrymandering can also be done to help incumbents as a whole, effectively turning every district into a packed one and greatly reducing the potential for competitive elections.

This is particularly likely to occur when the minority party has significant obstruction power—unable to enact a partisan gerrymander, the legislature instead agrees on ensuring their own mutual reelection.

In an unusual occurrence in , for example, the two dominant parties in the state of California cooperatively redrew both state and Federal legislative districts to preserve the status quo, ensuring the electoral safety of the politicians from unpredictable voting by the electorate.

This move proved completely effective, as no State or Federal legislative office changed party in the election , although 53 congressional, 20 state senate, and 80 state assembly seats were potentially at risk.

The resulting districts gave each party a guaranteed seat and retained their respective power base. This phenomenon violates the principle of one person, one vote because, although many prisoners come from and return to urban communities, they are counted as "residents" of the rural districts that contain large prisons, thereby artificially inflating the political representation in districts with prisons at the expense of voters in all other districts without prisons.

Due to the perceived issues associated with gerrymandering and its effect on competitive elections and democratic accountability, numerous countries have enacted reforms making the practice either more difficult or less effective.

Countries such as the U. In Spain, they are constitutionally fixed since In the United States, however, such reforms are controversial and frequently meet particularly strong opposition from groups that benefit from gerrymandering.

In a more neutral system, they might lose considerable influence. The most commonly advocated electoral reform proposal targeted at gerrymandering is to change the redistricting process.

Under these proposals, an independent and presumably objective commission is created specifically for redistricting, rather than having the legislature do it.

This is the system used in the United Kingdom, where the independent boundary commissions determine the boundaries for constituencies in the House of Commons and the devolved legislatures , subject to ratification by the body in question almost always granted without debate.

A similar situation exists in Australia where the independent Australian Electoral Commission and its state-based counterparts determine electoral boundaries for federal, state and local jurisdictions.

To help ensure neutrality, members of a redistricting agency may be appointed from relatively apolitical sources such as retired judges or longstanding members of the civil service, possibly with requirements for adequate representation among competing political parties.

Additionally, members of the board can be denied access to information that might aid in gerrymandering, such as the demographic makeup or voting patterns of the population.

As a further constraint, consensus requirements can be imposed to ensure that the resulting district map reflects a wider perception of fairness, such as a requirement for a supermajority approval of the commission for any district proposal.

Consensus requirements, however, can lead to deadlock, such as occurred in Missouri following the census. There, the equally numbered partisan appointees were unable to reach consensus in a reasonable time, and consequently the courts had to determine district lines.

Congressional Research Service determines boundaries of electoral districts. Aside from satisfying federally mandated contiguity and population equality criteria, the LSB mandates unity of counties and cities.

Consideration of political factors such as location of incumbents, previous boundary locations, and political party proportions is specifically forbidden.

In , the U. A complex mathematical formula was to be used to determine the competitiveness of a district. The measure failed voter approval chiefly due to voter concerns that communities of interest would be broken up.

Delaney as a means to implement non-partisan redistricting. When a single political party controls both legislative houses of a state during redistricting, both Democrats and Republicans have displayed a marked propensity for couching the process in secrecy; in May , for example, the Republican National Committee held a redistricting training session in Ohio where the theme was "Keep it Secret, Keep it Safe".

In response to these types of problems, redistricting transparency legislation has been introduced to US Congress a number of times in recent years, including the Redistricting Transparency Acts of , , and The merit of increasing transparency in redistricting processes is based largely on the premise that lawmakers would be less inclined to draw gerrymandered districts if they were forced to defend such districts in a public forum.

Because gerrymandering relies on the wasted-vote effect , the use of a different voting system with fewer wasted votes can help reduce gerrymandering.

In particular, the use of multi-member districts alongside voting systems establishing proportional representation such as single transferable voting can reduce wasted votes and gerrymandering.

Semi-proportional voting systems such as single non-transferable vote or cumulative voting are relatively simple and similar to first past the post and can also reduce the proportion of wasted votes and thus potential gerrymandering.

Electoral reformers have advocated all three as replacement systems. Electoral systems with various forms of proportional representation are now found in nearly all European countries, resulting in multi-party systems with many parties represented in the parliaments with higher voter attendance in the elections, [46] fewer wasted votes, and a wider variety of political opinions represented.

Electoral systems with election of just one winner in each district i. In these, just two parties effectively compete in the national elections and thus the national political discussions are forced into a narrow two-party frame, where loyalty and forced statements inside the two parties distort the political debate.

If a proportional or semi-proportional voting system is used then increasing the number of winners in any given district will reduce the number of wasted votes.

This can be accomplished both by merging separate districts together and by increasing the total size of the body to be elected. Since gerrymandering relies on exploiting the wasted vote effect, increasing the number of winners per district can reduce the potential for gerrymandering in proportional systems.

Unless all districts are merged, however, this method cannot eliminate gerrymandering entirely. In contrast to proportional methods, if a nonproportional voting system with multiple winners such as block voting is used, then increasing the size of the elected body while keeping the number of districts constant will not reduce the amount of wasted votes, leaving the potential for gerrymandering the same.

While merging districts together under such a system can reduce the potential for gerrymandering, doing so also amplifies the tendency of block voting to produce landslide victories , creating a similar effect to gerrymandering by concentrating wasted votes among the opposition and denying them representation.

If a system of single-winner elections is used, then increasing the size of the elected body will implicitly increase the number of districts to be created.

This change can actually make gerrymandering easier when raising the number of single-winner elections, as opposition groups can be more efficiently packed into smaller districts without accidentally including supporters, further increasing the number of wasted votes amongst the opposition.

Another way to avoid gerrymandering is simply to stop redistricting altogether and use existing political boundaries such as state, county, or provincial lines.

While this prevents future gerrymandering, any existing advantage may become deeply ingrained. The United States Senate , for instance, has more competitive elections than the House of Representatives due to the use of existing state borders rather than gerrymandered districts—Senators are elected by their entire state, while Representatives are elected in legislatively drawn districts.

The use of fixed districts creates an additional problem, however, in that fixed districts do not take into account changes in population.

Individual voters can come to have very different degrees of influence on the legislative process. This malapportionment can greatly affect representation after long periods of time or large population movements.

In the United Kingdom during the Industrial Revolution , several constituencies that had been fixed since they gained representation in the Parliament of England became so small that they could be won with only a handful of voters rotten boroughs.

Similarly, in the U. Sims Supreme Court decision in , establishing a rule of one man, one vote. Another means to reduce gerrymandering is to create objective, precise criteria to which any district map must comply.

Courts in the United States, for instance, have ruled that congressional districts must be contiguous in order to be constitutional. Depending on the distribution of voters for a particular party, metrics that maximize compactness can be opposed to metrics that minimize the efficiency gap.

For example, in the United States, voters registered with the Democratic Party tend to be concentrated in cities, potentially resulting in a large number of "wasted" votes if compact districts are drawn around city populations.

One method is to define a minimum district to convex polygon ratio [ definition needed ]. To use this method, every proposed district is circumscribed by the smallest possible convex polygon similar to the concept of a convex hull ; think of stretching a rubberband around the outline of the district.

Then, the area of the district is divided [ further explanation needed ] by the area of the polygon; or, if at the edge of the state, by the portion of the area of the polygon within state boundaries.

The advantages of this method are that it allows a certain amount of human intervention to take place thus solving the Colorado problem of splitline districting ; it allows the borders of the district to follow existing jagged subdivisions, such as neighbourhoods or voting districts something isoperimetric rules would discourage ; and it allows concave coastline districts, such as the Florida gulf coast area.

It would mostly eliminate bent districts, but still permit long, straight ones. However, since human intervention is still allowed, the gerrymandering issues of packing and cracking would still occur, just to a lesser extent.

The Center for Range Voting has proposed [50] a way to draw districts by a simple algorithm. The algorithm slightly simplified is:. This district-drawing algorithm has the advantages of simplicity, ultra-low cost, a single possible result thus no possibility of human interference , lack of intentional bias, and it produces simple boundaries that do not meander needlessly.

It has the disadvantage of ignoring geographic features such as rivers, cliffs, and highways and cultural features such as tribal boundaries.

This landscape oversight causes it to produce districts different from those a human would produce.

Ignoring geographic features can induce very simple boundaries. While most districts produced by the method will be fairly compact and either roughly rectangular or triangular, some of the resulting districts can still be long and narrow strips or triangles of land.

Like most automatic redistricting rules, the shortest splitline algorithm will fail to create majority-minority districts, for both ethnic and political minorities, if the minority populations are not very compact.

This might reduce minority representation. Another criticism of the system is that splitline districts sometimes divide and diffuse the voters in a large metropolitan area.

This condition is most likely to occur when one of the first splitlines cuts through the metropolitan area. It is often considered a drawback of the system because residents of the same agglomeration are assumed to be a community of common interest.

This is most evident in the splitline allocation of Colorado. As of July , shortest-splitline redistricting pictures, based on the results of the census, are available for all 50 states.

It is possible to define a specific minimum isoperimetric quotient , [54] proportional to the ratio between the area and the square of the perimeter of any given congressional voting district.

Although technologies presently exist to define districts in this manner, there are no rules in place mandating their use, and no national movement to implement such a policy.

One problem with the simplest version of this rule is that it would prevent incorporation of jagged natural boundaries, such as rivers or mountains; when such boundaries are required, such as at the edge of a state, certain districts may not be able to meet the required minima.

One way of avoiding this problem is to allow districts which share a border with a state border to replace that border with a polygon or semi-circle enclosing the state boundary as a kind of virtual boundary definition, but using the actual perimeter of the district whenever this occurs inside the state boundaries.

Enforcing a minimum isoperimetric quotient would encourage districts with a high ratio between area and perimeter. The efficiency gap is a simply-calculable measure that can show the effects of gerrymandering.

The difference in these wasted votes are divided by total votes cast, and the resulting percentage is the efficiency gap.

The introduction of modern computers alongside the development of elaborate voter databases and special districting software has made gerrymandering a far more precise science.

Using such databases, political parties can obtain detailed information about every household including political party registration, previous campaign donations, and the number of times residents voted in previous elections and combine it with other predictors of voting behavior such as age, income, race, or education level.

With this data, gerrymandering politicians can predict the voting behavior of each potential district with an astonishing degree of precision, leaving little chance for creating an accidentally competitive district.

On the other hand, the introduction of modern computers would let the United States Census Bureau to calculate more equal populations in every voting district that are based only on districts being the most compact and equal populations.

This could be done easily using their Block Centers based on the Global Positioning System rather than street addresses. With this data, gerrymandering politicians will not be in charge, thus allowing competitive districts again.

Several western democracies, notably Israel , the Netherlands , Slovakia and Slovenia employ an electoral system with only one nationwide voting district for election of national representatives.

This virtually precludes gerrymandering. The number of representatives for each district can change after a census due to population shifts, but their boundaries do not change.

This also effectively eliminates gerrymandering. Additionally, many countries where the president is directly elected by the citizens e.

France , Poland , among others use only one electoral district for presidential election, despite using multiple districts to elect representatives. Gerrymandering has not typically been considered a problem in the Australian electoral system largely because drawing of electoral boundaries has typically been done by non-partisan electoral commissions.

There have been historical cases of malapportionment , whereby the distribution of electors to electorates was not in proportion to the population in several states.

For example, Sir Thomas Playford was Premier of South Australia from to as a result of a system of malapportionment, which became known as the Playmander , despite it not strictly speaking involving a gerrymander.

In Queensland , malapportionment combined with a gerrymander under Premier Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen became nicknamed the Bjelkemander in the s and s.

In the election , for example, the National Party received Early in Canadian history, both the federal and provincial levels used gerrymandering to try to maximise partisan power.

When Alberta and Saskatchewan were admitted to Confederation in , their original district boundaries were set forth in the respective Alberta and Saskatchewan Acts.

These boundaries had been devised by federal Liberal cabinet members to ensure the election of provincial Liberal governments. Since responsibility for drawing federal and provincial electoral boundaries was handed over to independent agencies, this problem has largely been eliminated at these levels of government.

Manitoba was the first province to authorise a non-partisan group to define constituency boundaries in the s. As a result, gerrymandering is not generally a major issue in Canada except at the civic level.

Although city wards are recommended by independent agencies, city councils occasionally overrule them. This is much more likely where the city is not homogenous and different neighbourhoods have sharply different opinions about city policy direction.

Instead they created two new maps. The government adopted the second of these, designed by the caucus of the governing party.

Opposition parties and the media attacked Premier Pat Binns for what they saw as gerrymandering of districts.

The military government which ruled Chile from to was ousted in a national plebiscite in October Opponents of General Augusto Pinochet voted NO to remove him from power and to trigger democratic elections, while supporters mostly from the right-wing voted YES to keep him in office for another eight years.

Five months prior to the plebiscite, the regime published a law regulating future elections and referendums, but the configuration of electoral districts and the manner in which Congress seats would be awarded were only added to the law seven months after the referendum.

For the Chamber of Deputies lower house , 60 districts were drawn by grouping mostly neighboring communes the smallest administrative subdivision in the country within the same region the largest.

It was established that two deputies would be elected per district, with the most voted coalition needing to outpoll its closest rival by a margin of more than 2-to-1 to take both seats.

The results of the plebiscite show that neither the "NO" side nor the "YES" side outpolled the other by said margin in any of the newly established districts.

Senate constituencies were created by grouping all lower-chamber districts in a region, or by dividing a region into two constituencies of contiguous lower-chamber districts.

The Constitution allocated a number of seats to appointed senators, making it harder for one side to change the Constitution by itself. The unelected senators were eliminated in the constitutional reforms, but the electoral map has remained largely untouched two new regions were created in , one of which altered the composition of two senatorial constituencies; the first election to be affected by this minor change took place in France is one of the few countries to let legislatures redraw the map with no check.

Districts called arrondissements were used in the Third Republic and under the Fifth Republic they are called circonscriptions. During the Third Republic, some reforms of arrondissements, which were also used for administrative purposes, were largely suspected to have been arranged to favour the kingmaker in the Assembly, the Parti radical.

In the modern regime, there were three designs: In , the Sarkozy government created 12 districts for expats. The Constitutional council was called twice by the opposition to decide about gerrymandering, but it never considered partisan disproportions.

Gerrymandering in France is also done against regionalist parties. After having won four seats in Berlin in the national election, the PDS was able to retain only two seats altogether in the elections.

Under German electoral law, a political party has to win either more than five percent of the votes, or at least three directly elected seats, to qualify for top-up seats under the Additional Member System.

The PDS vote fell below five percent thus they failed to qualify for top-up seats and were confined to just two members of the Bundestag , the German federal parliament elected representatives are always allowed to hold their seats as individuals.

Had they won a third constituency, the PDS would have gained at least 25 additional seats, which would have been enough to hold the balance of power in the Bundestag.

Gerrymandering has been rather common in Greek history since organised parties with national ballots only appeared after the Constitution.

The most infamous case of gerrymandering [ citation needed ] was in the election. In small districts the winning party would take all seats, in intermediate size it would take most and there was proportional representation in the largest districts.

The districts were created in such a way that small districts were those that traditionally voted for the right while large districts were those that voted against the right.

The opposition, being composed of the center and the left, formed a coalition with the sole intent of changing the electoral law and then calling new elections, despite the fact that only seven years earlier the center and the left had fought each other in the Greek Civil War.

Even though the centrist and leftist opposition won the popular vote 1,, votes against 1,, , the right wing ERE won the majority of seats to and was to lead the country for the next two years.

In Hong Kong , functional constituencies are demarcated by the government and defined in statutes, [72] making them prone to gerrymandering.

The functional constituency for the information technology sector was particular criticised for gerrymandering and voteplanting.

There are also gerrymandering concerns in the constituencies of district councils. Successive arrangements by governments of all political characters have been attacked as gerrymandering.

Ireland uses the single transferable vote and as well as the actual boundaries drawn the main tool of gerrymandering has been the number of seats per constituency used, with three-seat constituencies normally benefiting the strongest parties in an area, whereas four-seat constituencies normally help smaller parties.

The result was described by the journalist and historian Tim Pat Coogan as "a blatant attempt at gerrymander which no Six County Unionist could have bettered.

In the mids, the Minister for Local Government, James Tully , attempted to arrange the constituencies to ensure that the governing Fine Gael — Labour Party National Coalition would win a parliamentary majority.

In areas where the governing parties were weak, four-seat constituencies were used so that the governing parties had a strong chance of still winning two.

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It still sells classic Aaltos today, but also stocks the works of other famous Finnish and international designers.. Vielen Dank für Ihr Feedback! Dieses Motel befindet sich in der Nähe von: An outdated agricultural system, degradation of soils or an already starting climatic change are only some of those, known by local people, but hardly researched to date. Zur mobilen Version wechseln. Stadtteil , dessen wohlhabende Bevölkerungsschicht politisch einflussreich ist. English Additional information can be obtained from the customs offices and District Directorates of Customs. Auch im Distrikt gibt es viele Möglichkeiten der Mitarbeit. Die Bewährungsauflagen verbieten Ihnen, den Distrikt zu verlassen. Inspiration to painters and poets, find out more about the Lake District with VisitBritain.{/ITEM}

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